CHAPTER 1
HOW CAIUS1 WAS SLAIN BY CHEREA
1. Now this Caius2 did not demonstrate his madness
in offering injuries only to the Jews at Jerusalem, or to those that dwelt in
the neighborhood; but suffered it to extend itself through all the earth and
sea, so far as was in subjection to the Romans, and filled it with ten thousand
mischiefs; so many indeed in number as no former history relates. But Rome itself
felt the most dismal effects of what he did, while he deemed that not to be
any way more honorable than the rest of the cities; but he pulled and hauled
its other citizens, but especially the senate, and particularly the nobility,
and such as had been dignified by illustrious ancestors; he also had ten thousand
devices against such of the equestrian order, as it was styled, who were esteemed
by the citizens equal in dignity and wealth with the senators, because out of
them the senators were themselves chosen; these he treated after all ignominious
manner, and removed them out of his way, while they were at once slain, and
their wealth plundered, because he slew men generally in order to seize on their
riches. He also asserted his own divinity, and insisted on greater honors to
be paid him by his subjects than are due to mankind. He also frequented that
temple of Jupiter which they style the Capitol, which is with them the most
holy of all their temples, and had boldness enough to call himself the brother
of Jupiter. And other pranks he did like a madman; as when he laid a bridge
from the city Dicearchia, which belongs to Campania, to Misenum, another city
upon the sea-side, from one promontory to another, of the length of thirty furlongs,
as measured over the sea. And this was done because he esteemed it to be a most
tedious thing to row over it in a small ship, and thought withal that it became
him to make that bridge, since he was lord of the sea, and might oblige it to
give marks of obedience as well as the earth; so he enclosed the whole bay within
his bridge, and drove his chariot over it; and thought that, as he was a god,
it was fit for him to travel over such roads as this was. Nor did he abstain
from the plunder of any of the Grecian temples, and gave order that all the
engravings and sculptures, and the rest of the ornaments of the statues and
donations therein dedicated, should be brought to him, saying that the best
things ought to be set no where but in the best place, and that the city of
Rome was that best place. He also adorned his own house and his gardens with
the curiosities brought from those temples, together with the houses he lay
at when he traveled all over Italy; whence he did not scruple to give a command
that the statue of Jupiter Olympius, so called because he was honored at the
Olympian games by the Greeks, which was the work of Phidias the Athenian, should
be brought to Rome. Yet did not he compass his end, because the architects told
Memmius Regulus, who was commanded to remove that statue of Jupiter, that the
workmanship was such as would be spoiled, and would not bear the removal. It
was also reported that Memmius, both on that account, and on account of some
such mighty prodigies as are of an incredible nature, put off the taking it
down, and wrote to Caius those accounts, as his apology for not having done
what his epistle required of him; and that when he was thence in danger of perishing,
he was saved by Caius being dead himself, before he had put him to death.
2. Nay, Caius's madness came to this height,
that when he had a daughter born, he carried her into the capitol, and put her
upon the knees of the statue, and said that the child was common to him and
to Jupiter, and determined that she had two fathers, but which of these fathers
were the greatest he left undetermined; and yet mankind bore him in such his
pranks. He also gave leave to slaves to accuse their masters of any crimes whatsoever
they pleased; for all such accusations were terrible, because they were in great
part made to please him, and at his suggestion, insomuch that Pollux, Claudius's
slave, had the boldness to lay an accusation against Claudius himself; and Caius
was not ashamed to be present at his trial of life and death, to hear that trial
of his own uncle, in hopes of being able to take him off, although he did not
succeed to his mind. But when he had filled the whole habitable world which
he governed with false accusations and miseries, and had occasioned the greatest
insults of slaves against their masters, who indeed in a great measure ruled
them, there were many secret plots now laid against him; some in anger, and
in order for men to revenge themselves, on account of the miseries they had
already undergone from him; and others made attempts upon him, in order to take
him off before they should fall into such great miseries, while his death came
very fortunately for the preservation of the laws of all men, and had a great
influence upon the public welfare; and this happened most happily for our nation
in particular, which had almost utterly perished if he had not been suddenly
slain. And I confess I have a mind to give a full account of this matter particularly,
because it will afford great assurance of the power of God, and great comfort
to those that are under afflictions, and wise caution to those who think their
happiness will never end, nor bring them at length to the most lasting miseries,
if they do not conduct their lives by the principles of virtue.
3. Now there were three several conspiracies
made in order to take off Caius, and each of these three were conducted by excellent
persons. Emilius Regulus, born at Corduba in Spain, got some men together, and
was desirous to take Caius off, either by them or by himself. Another conspiracy
there was laid by them, under the conduct of Cherea Cassius, the tribune [of
the pretorian band]; Minucianus Annius was also one of great consequence among
those that were prepared to oppose his tyranny. Now the several occasions of
these men's several hatred and conspiracy against Caius were these: Regulus
had indignation and hatred against all injustice, for he had a mind naturally
angry, and bold, and free, which made him not conceal his counsels; so he communicated
them to many of his friends, and to others who seemed to him persons of activity
and vigor: Minucianus entered into this conspiracy, because of the injustice
done to Lepidus his particular friend, and one of the best character of all
the citizens, whom Caius had slain, as also because he was afraid of himself,
since Caius's wrath tended to the slaughter of all alike: and for Cherea, he
came in, because he thought it a deed worthy of a free ingenuous man to kill
Caius, and was ashamed of the reproaches he lay under from Caius, as though
he were a coward; as also because he was himself in danger every day from his
friendship with him, and the observance he paid him. These men proposed this
attempt to all the rest that were concerned, who saw the injuries that were
offered them, and were desirous that Caius's slaughter might succeed by their
mutual assistance of one another, and they might themselves escape being killed
by the taking off Caius; that perhaps they should gain their point; and that
it would be a happy thing, if they should gain it, to approve themselves to
so many excellent persons, as earnestly wished to be partakers with them in
their design for the delivery of the city and of the government, even at the
hazard of their own lives. But still Cherea was the most zealous of them all,
both out of a desire of getting himself the greatest name, and also by reason
of his access to Caius's presence with less danger, because he was tribune,
and could therefore the more easily kill him.
4. Now at this time came on the horse races
[Circensian games]; the view of which games was eagerly desired by the people
of Rome, for they come with great alacrity into the hippodrome [circus] at such
times, and petition their emperors, in great multitudes, for what they stand
in need of; who usually did not think fit to deny them their requests, but readily
and gratefully granted them. Accordingly, they most importunately desired that
Caius would now ease them in their tributes, and abate somewhat of the rigor
of their taxes imposed upon them; but he would not hear their petition; and
when their clamors increased, he sent soldiers some one way and some another,
and gave order that they should lay hold on those that made the clamors, and
without any more ado bring them out, and put them to death. These were Caius's
commands, and those who were commanded executed the same; and the number of
those who were slain on this occasion was very great. Now the people saw this,
and bore it so far, that they left off clamoring, because they saw with their
own eyes that this petition to be relieved, as to the payment of their money,
brought immediate death upon them. These things made Cherea more resolute to
go on with his plot, in order to put an end to this barbarity of Caius against
men. He then at several times thought to fall upon Caius, even as he was feasting;
yet did he restrain himself by some considerations; not that he had any doubt
on him about killing him, but as watching for a proper season, that the attempt
might not be frustrated, but that he might give the blow so as might certainly
gain his purpose.
5. Cherea had been in the army a long time,
yet was he not pleased with conversing so much with Caius. But Caius had set
him to require the tributes, and other dues, which, when not paid in due time,
were forfeited to Caesar's treasury; and he had made some delays in requiring
them, because those burdens had been doubled, and had rather indulged his own
mild disposition than performed Caius's command; nay, indeed, be provoked Caius
to anger by his sparing men, and pitying the hard fortunes of those from whom
he demanded the taxes; and Caius upbraided him with his sloth and effeminacy
in being so long about collecting the taxes. And indeed he did not only affront
him in other respects, but when he gave him the watchword of the day, to whom
it was to be given by his place, he gave him feminine words, and those of a
nature very reproachful; and these watchwords he gave out, as having been initiated
in the secrets of certain mysteries, which he had been himself the author of.
Now although he had sometimes put on women's clothes, and had been wrapt in
some embroidered garments to them belonging, and done a great many other things,
in order to make the company mistake him for a woman; yet did he, by way of
reproach, object the like womanish behavior to Cherea. But when Cherea received
the watchword from him, he had indignation at it, but had greater indignation
at the delivery of it to others, as being laughed at by those that received
it; insomuch that his fellow tribunes made him the subject of their drollery;
for they would foretell that he would bring them some of his usual watchwords
when he was about to take the watchword from Caesar, and would thereby make
him ridiculous; on which accounts he took the courage of assuming certain partners
to him, as having just reasons for his indignation against Caius. Now there
was one Pompedius, a senator, and one who had gone through almost all posts
in the government, but otherwise an Epicurean, and for that reason loved to
lead an inactive life. Now Timidius, an enemy of his, had informed Caius that
he had used indecent reproaches against him, and he made use of Quintilia for
a witness to them; a woman she was much beloved by many that frequented the
theatre, and particularly by Pompedius, on account of her great beauty. Now
this woman thought it a horrible thing to attest to an accusation that touched
the life of her lover, which was also a lie. Timidius, however, wanted to have
her brought to the torture. Caius was irritated at this reproach upon him, and
commanded Cherea, without any delay, to torture Quintilia, as he used to employ
Cherea in such bloody matters, and those that required the torture, because
he thought he would do it the more barbarously, in order to avoid that imputation
of effeminacy which he had laid upon him. But Quintilia, when she was brought
to the rack, trod upon the foot of one of her associates, and let him know that
he might be of good courage, and not be afraid of the consequence of her tortures,
for that she would bear them with magnanimity. Cherea tortured this woman after
a cruel manner; unwillingly indeed, but because he could not help it. He then
brought her, without being in the least moved at what she had suffered, into
the presence of Caius, and that in such a state as was sad to behold; and Caius,
being somewhat affected with the sight of Quintilia, who had her body miserably
disordered by the pains she had undergone, freed both her and Pompedius of the
crime laid to their charge. He also gave her money to make her an honorable
amends, and comfort her for that maiming of her body which she had suffered,
and for her glorious patience under such insufferable torments.
6. This matter sorely grieved Cherea, as
having been the cause, as far as he could, or the instrument, of those miseries
to men, which seemed worthy of consolation to Caius himself; on which account
he said to Clement and to Papinius, (of whom Clement was general of the army,
and Papinius was a tribune,) "To be sure, O Clement, we have no way failed in
our guarding the emperor; for as to those that have made conspiracies against
his government, some have been slain by our care and pains, and some have been
by us tortured, and this to such a degree, that he hath himself pitied them.
How great then is our virtue in submitting to conduct his armies!" Clement held
his peace, but showed the shame he was under in obeying Caius's orders, both
by his eyes and his blushing countenance, while he thought it by no means right
to accuse the emperor in express words, lest their own safety should be endangered
thereby. Upon which Cherea took courage, and spake to him without fear of the
dangers that were before him, and discoursed largely of the sore calamities
under which the city and the government then labored, and said, "We may indeed
pretend in words that Caius is the person unto whom the cause of such miseries
ought to be imputed; but, in the opinion of such as are able to judge uprightly,
it is I, O Clement! and this Papinius, and before us thou thyself, who bring
these tortures upon the Romans, and upon all mankind. It is not done by our
being subservient to the commands of Caius, but it is done by our own consent;
for whereas it is in our power to put an end to the life of this man, who hath
so terribly injured the citizens and his subjects, we are his guard in mischief,
and his executioners instead of his soldiers, and are the instruments of his
cruelty. We bear these weapons, not for our liberty, not for the Roman government,
but only for his preservation, who hath enslaved both their bodies and their
minds; and we are every day polluted with the blood that we shed, and the torments
we inflict upon others; and this we do, till somebody becomes Caius's instrument
in bringing the like miseries upon ourselves. Nor does he thus employ us because
he hath a kindness for us, but rather because he hath a suspicion of us, as
also because when abundance more have been killed, (for Caius will set no bounds
to his wrath, since he aims to do all, not out of regard to justice, but to
his own pleasure,) we shall also ourselves be exposed to his cruelty; whereas
we ought to be the means of confirming the security and liberty of all, and
at the same time to resolve to free ourselves from dangers.
7. Hereupon Clement openly commended Cherea's
intentions, but bid him hold his tongue; for that in case his words should get
out among many, and such things should be spread abroad as were fit to be concealed,
the plot would come to be discovered before it was executed, and they should
be brought to punishment; but that they should leave all to futurity, and the
hope which thence arose, that some fortunate event would come to their assistance;
that, as for himself, his age would not permit him to make any attempt in that
case. "However, although perhaps I could suggest what may be safer than what
thou, Cherea, hast contrived and said, yet how is it possible for any one to
suggest what is more for thy reputation?" So Clement went his way home, with
deep reflections on what he had heard, and what he had himself said. Cherea
also was under a concern, and went quickly to Cornelius Sabinus, who was himself
one of the tribunes, and whom he otherwise knew to be a worthy man, and a lover
of liberty, and on that account very uneasy at the present management of public
affairs, he being desirous to come immediately to the execution of what had
been determined, and thinking it right for him to propose it to the other, and
afraid lest Clement should discover them, and besides looking upon delays and
puttings off to be the next to desisting from the enterprise.
8. But as all was agreeable to Sabinus,
who had himself, equally without Cherea, the same design, but had been silent
for want of a person to whom he could safely communicate that design; so having
now met with one, who not only promised to conceal what he heard, but who had
already opened his mind to him, he was much more encouraged, and desired of
Cherea that no delay might be made therein. Accordingly they went to Minucianus,
who was as virtuous a man, and as zealous to do glorious actions, as themselves,
and suspected by Caius on occasion of the slaughter of Lepidus; for Minucianus
and Lepidus were intimate friends, and both in fear of the dangers that they
were under; for Caius was terrible to all the great men, as appearing ready
to act a mad part towards each of them in particular, and towards all of: them
in general; and these men were afraid of one another, while they were yet uneasy
at the posture of affairs, but avoided to declare their mind and their hatred
against Caius to one another, out of fear of the dangers they might be in thereby,
although they perceived by other means their mutual hatred against Caius, and
on that account were not averse to a mutual kindness one towards another.
9. When Minucianus and Cherea had met together,
and saluted one another, (as they had been used on former conversations to give
the upper hand to Minucianus, both on account of his eminent dignity, for he
was the noblest of all the citizens, and highly commended by all men, especially
when he made speeches to them,) Minucianus began first, and asked Cherea, what
was the watchword he had received that day from Caius; for the affront which
was offered Cherea, in giving the watchwords, was famous over the city. But
Cherea made no delay so long as to reply to that question, out of the joy he
had that Minucianus would have such confidence in him as to discourse with him.
"But do thou," said he, "give me the watchword of liberty. And I return thee
my thanks that thou hast so greatly encouraged me to exert myself after an extraordinary
manner; nor do I stand in need of many words to encourage me, since both thou
and I are of the same mind, and partakers of the same resolutions, and this
before we have conferred together. I have indeed but one sword girt on, but
this one will serve us both. Come on, therefore, let us set about the work.
Do thou go first, if thou hast a mind, and bid me follow thee; or else I will
go first, and thou shalt assist me, and we will assist one another, and trust
one another. Nor is there a necessity for even one sword to such as have a mind
disposed to such works, by which mind the sword uses to be successful. I am
zealous about this action, nor am I solicitous what I may myself undergo; for
I can not at leisure to consider the dangers that may come upon myself, so deeply
am I troubled at the slavery our once free country is now under, and at the
contempt cast upon our excellent laws, and at the destruction which hangs over
all men, by the means of Caius. I wish that I may be judged by thee, and that
thou mayst esteem me worthy of credit in these matters, seeing we are both of
the same opinion, and there is herein no difference between us."
10. When Minucianus saw the vehemency with
which Cherea delivered himself, he gladly embraced him, and encouraged him in
his bold attempt, commending him, and embracing him; so he let him go with his
good wishes; and some affirm that he thereby confirmed Minucianus in the prosecution
of what had been agreed among them; for as Cherea entered into the court, the
report runs, that a voice came from among the multitude to encourage him, which
bid him finish what he was about, and take the opportunity that Providence afforded;
and that Cherea at first suspected that some one of the conspirators had betrayed
him, and he was caught, but at length perceived that it was by way of exhortation.
Whether somebody,3 that was conscious of what he was
about, gave a signal for his encouragement, or whether it was God himself, who
looks upon the actions of men, that encouraged him to go on boldly in his design,
is uncertain. The plot was now communicated to a great many, and they were all
in their armor; some of the conspirators being senators, and some of the equestrian
order, and as many of the soldiery as were made acquainted with it; for there
was not one of them who would not reckon it a part of his happiness to kill
Caius; and on that account they were all very zealous in the affair, by what
means soever any one could come at it, that he might not be behindhand in these
virtuous designs, but might be ready with all his alacrity or power, both by
words and actions, to complete this slaughter of a tyrant. And besides these,
Callistus also, who was a freed-man of Caius, and was the only man that had
arrived at the greatest degree of power under him,—such a power, indeed, as
was in a manner equal to the power of the tyrant himself, by the dread that
all men had of him, and by the great riches he had acquired; for he took bribes
most plenteously, and committed injuries without bounds, and was more extravagant
in the use of his power in unjust proceedings than any other. He also knew the
disposition of Caius to be implacable, and never to be turned from what he had
resolved on. He had withal many other reasons why he thought himself in danger,
and the vastness of his wealth was not one of the least of them; on which account
he privately ingratiated himself with Claudius, and transferred his courtship
to him, out of this hope, that in case, upon the removal of Caius, the government
should come to him, his interest in such changes should lay a foundation for
his preserving his dignity under him, since he laid in beforehand a stock of
merit, and did Claudius good offices in his promotion. He had also the boldness
to pretend that he had been persuaded to make away with Claudius, by poisoning
him, but had still invented ten thousand excuses for delaying to do it. But
it seems probable to me that Callistus only counterfeited this, in order to
ingratiate himself with Claudius; for if Caius had been in earnest resolved
to take off Claudius, he would not have admitted of Callistus's excuses; nor
would Callistus, if he had been enjoined to do such an act as was desired by
Caius, have put it off; nor if he had disobeyed those injunctions of his master,
had he escaped immediate punishment; while Claudius was preserved from the madness
of Caius by a certain Divine providence, and Callistus pretended to such a piece
of merit as he no way deserved.
11. However, the execution of Cherea's designs
was put off from day to day, by the sloth of many therein concerned; for as
to Cherea himself, he would not willingly make any delay in that execution,
thinking every time a fit time for it; for frequent opportunities offered themselves;
as when Caius went up to the capitol to sacrifice for his daughter, or when
he stood upon his royal palace, and threw gold and silver pieces of money among
the people, he might be pushed down headlong, because the top of the palace,
that looks towards the market-place, was very high; and also when he celebrated
the mysteries, which he had appointed at that time; for he was then no way secluded
from the people, but solicitous to do every thing carefully and decently, and
was free from all suspicion that he should be then assaulted by any body; and
although the gods should afford him no divine assistance to enable him to take
away his life, yet had he strength himself sufficient to despatch Caius, even
without a sword. Thus was Cherea angry at his fellow conspirators, for fear
they should suffer a proper opportunity to pass by; and they were themselves
sensible that he had just cause to be angry at them, and that his eagerness
was for their advantage; yet did they desire he would have a little longer patience,
lest, upon any disappointment they might meet with, they should put the city
into disorder, and an inquisition should be made after the conspiracy, and should
render the courage of those that were to attack Caius without success, while
he would then secure himself more carefully than ever against them; that it
would therefore be the best to set about the work when the shows were exhibited
in the palace. These shows were acted in honor of that Caesar4
who first of all changed the popular government, and transferred it to himself;
galleries being fixed before the palace, where the Romans that were patricians
became spectators, together with their children and their wives, and Caesar
himself was to be also a spectator; and they reckoned, among those many ten
thousands who would there be crowded into a narrow compass, they should have
a favorable opportunity to make their attempt upon him as he came in, because
his guards that should protect him, if any of them should have a mind to do
it, would not here be able to give him any assistance.
12. Cherea consented to this delay; and
when the shows were exhibited, it was resolved to do the work the first day.
But fortune, which allowed a further delay to his slaughter, was too hard for
their foregoing resolution; and as three days of the regular times for these
shows were now over, they had much ado to get the business done on the last
day. Then Cherea called the conspirators together, and spake thus to them: "So
much time passed away without effort is a reproach to us, as delaying to go
through such a virtuous design as we are engaged in; but more fatal will this
delay prove if we be discovered, and the design be frustrated; for Caius will
then become more cruel in his unjust proceedings. Do we not see how long we
deprive all our friends of their liberty, and give Caius leave still to tyrannise
over them? while we ought to have procured them security for the future, and,
by laying a foundation for the happiness of others, gain to ourselves great
admiration and honor for all time to come." Now while the conspirators had nothing
tolerable to say by way of contradiction, and yet did not quite relish what
they were doing, but stood silent and astonished, he said further, "O my brave
comrades! why do we make such delays? Do not you see that this is the last day
of these shows, and that Caius is about to go to sea? for he is preparing to
sail to Alexandria, in order to see Egypt. Is it therefore for your honor to
let a man go out of your hands who is a reproach to mankind, and to permit him
to go, after a pompous manner, triumphing both at land and sea? Shall not we
be justly ashamed of ourselves, if we give leave to some Egyptian or other,
who shall think his injuries insufferable to free-men, to kill him? As for myself,
I will no longer bear your slow proceedings, but will expose myself to the dangers
of the enterprise this very day, and bear cheerfully whatsoever shall be the
consequence of the attempt; nor, let them be ever so great, will I put them
off any longer: for, to a wise and courageous man, what can be more miserable
than that, while I am alive, any one else should kill Caius, and deprive me
of the honor of so virtuous an action?"
13. When Cherea had spoken thus, he zealously
set about the work, and inspired courage into the rest to go on with it, and
they were all eager to fall to it without further delay. So he was at the palace
in the morning, with his equestrian sword girt on him; for it was the custom
that the tribunes should ask for the watchword with their swords on, and this
was the day on which Cherea was, by custom, to receive the watchword; and the
multitude were already come to the palace, to be soon enough for seeing the
shows, and that in great crowds, and one tumultuously crushing another, while
Caius was delighted with this eagerness of the multitude; for which reason there
was no order observed in the seating men, nor was any peculiar place appointed
for the senators, or for the equestrian order; but they sat at random, men and
women together, and free-men were mixed with the slaves. So Caius came out in
a solemn manner, and offered sacrifice to Augustus Caesar, in whose honor indeed
these shows were celebrated. Now it happened, upon the fall of a certain priest,
that the garment of Asprenas, a senator, was filled with blood, which made Caius
laugh, although this was an evident omen to Asprenas, for he was slain at the
same time with Caius. It is also related that Caius was that day, contrary to
his usual custom, so very affable and good-natured in his conversation, that
every one of those that were present were astonished at it. After the sacrifice
was over, Caius betook himself to see the shows, and sat down for that purpose,
as did also the principal of his friends sit near him. Now the parts of the
theatre were so fastened together, as it used to be every year, in the manner
following: it had two doors, the one door led to the open air, the other was
for going into, or going out of, the cloisters, that those within the theatre
might not be thereby disturbed; but out of one gallery there went an inward
passage, parted into partitions also, which led into another gallery, to give
room to the combatants and to the musicians to go out as occasion served. When
the multitude were set down, and Cherea, with the other tribunes, were set down
also, and the right corner of the theatre was allotted to Caesar, one Vatinius,
a senator, commander of the praetorian band, asked of Cluvius, one that sat
by him, and was of consular dignity also, whether he had heard any thing of
news, or not? but took care that nobody should hear what he said; and when Cluvius
replied, that he had heard no news, "Know then," said Vatinius, "that the game
of the slaughter of tyrants is to be played this day." But Cluvius replied "O
brave comrade hold thy peace, lest some other of the Achaians hear thy tale."
And as there was abundance of autumnal fruit thrown among the spectators, and
a great number of birds, that were of great value to such as possessed them,
on account of their rareness, Caius was pleased with the birds fighting for
the fruits, and with the violence wherewith the spectators seized upon them:
and here he perceived two prodigies that happened there; for an actor was introduced,
by whom a leader of robbers was crucified, and the pantomime brought in a play
called Cinyras, wherein he himself was to be slain, as well as his daughter
Myrrha, and wherein a great deal of fictitious blood was shed, both about him
that was crucified, and also about Cinyras. It was also confessed that this
was the same day wherein Pausanias, a friend of Philip, the son of Amyntas,
who was king of Macedonia, slew him, as he was entering into the theatre. And
now Caius was in doubt whether he should tarry to the end of the shows, because
it was the last day, or whether he should not go first to the bath, and to dinner,
and then return and sit down as before. Hereupon Minucianus, who sat over Caius,
and was afraid that the opportunity should fail them, got up, because he saw
Cherea was already gone out, and made haste out, to confirm him in his resolution;
but Caius took hold of his garment, in an obliging way, and said to him, "O
brave man! whither art thou going?" Whereupon, out of reverence to Caesar, as
it seemed, he sat down again; but his fear prevailed over him, and in a little
time he got up again, and then Caius did no way oppose his going out, as thinking
that he went out to perform some necessities of nature. And Asprenas, who was
one of the confederates, persuaded Caius to go out to the bath, and to dinner,
and then to come in again, as desirous that what had been resolved on might
be brought to a conclusion immediately.
14. So Cherea's associates placed themselves
in order, as the time would permit them, and they were obliged to labor hard,
that the place which was appointed them should not be left by them; but they
had an indignation at the tediousness of the delays, and that what they were
about should be put off any longer, for it was already about the ninth5
hour of the day; and Cherea, upon Caius's tarrying so long, had a great mind
to go in, and fall upon him in his seat, although he foresaw that this could
not be done without much bloodshed, both of the senators, and of those of the
equestrian order that were present; and although he knew this must happen, yet
had he a great mind to do so, as thinking it a right thing to procure security
and freedom to all, at the expense of such as might perish at the same time.
And as they were just going back into the entrance to the theatre, word was
brought them that Caius was arisen, whereby a tumult was made; hereupon the
conspirators thrust away the crowd, under pretence as if Caius was angry at
them, but in reality as desirous to have a quiet place, that should have none
in it to defend him, while they set about Caius's slaughter. Now Claudius, his
uncle, was gone out before, and Marcus Vinicius his sister's husband, as also
Valerius of Asia; whom though they had had such a mind to put out of their places,
the reverence to their dignity hindered them so to do; then followed Caius,
with Paulus Arruntius: and because Caius was now gotten within the palace, he
left the direct road, along which those his servants stood that were in waiting,
and by which road Claudius had gone out before, Caius turned aside into a private
narrow passage, in order to go to the place for bathing, as also in order to
take a view of the boys that came out of Asia, who were sent thence, partly
to sing hymns in these mysteries which were now celebrated, and partly to dance
in the Pyrrhic way of dancing upon the theatres. So Cherea met him, and asked
him for the watchword; upon Caius's giving him one of his ridiculous words,
he immediately reproached him, and drew his sword, and gave him a terrible stroke
with it, yet was not this stroke mortal. And although there be those that say
it was so contrived on purpose by Chorea, that Caius should not be killed at
one blow, but should be punished more severely by a multitude of wounds; yet
does this story appear to me incredible, because the fear men are under in such
actions does not allow them to use their reason. And if Cherea was of that mind,
I esteem him the greatest of all fools, in pleasing himself in his spite against
Caius, rather than immediately procuring safety to himself and to his confederates
from the dangers they were in, because there might many things still happen
for helping Caius's escape, if he had not already given up the ghost; for certainly
Cherea would have regard, not so much to the punishment of Caius, as to the
affliction himself and his friends were in, while it was in his power, after
such success, to keep silent, and to escape the wrath of Caius's defenders,
and not to leave it to uncertainty whether he should gain the end he aimed at
or not, and after an unreasonable manner to act as if he had a mind to ruin
himself, and lose the opportunity that lay before him. But every body may guess
as he please about this matter. However, Caius was staggered with the pain that
the blow gave him; for the stroke of the sword falling in the middle, between
the shoulder and the neck, was hindered by the first bone of the breast from
proceeding any further. Nor did he either cry out, (in such astonishment was
he,) nor did he call out for any of his friends; whether it were that he had
no confidence in them, or that his mind was otherwise disordered, but he groaned
under the pain he endured, and presently went forward and fled; when Cornelius
Sabinus, who was already prepared in his mind so to do, thrust him down upon
his knee, where many of them stood round about him, and struck him with their
swords; and they cried out, and encouraged one another all at once to strike
him again; but all agree that Aquila gave him the finishing stroke, which directly
killed him. But one may justly ascribe this act to Cherea; for although many
concurred in the act itself, yet was he the first contriver of it, and began
long before all the rest to prepare for it, and was the first man that boldly
spake of it to the rest; and upon their admission of what he said about it,
he got the dispersed conspirators together; he prepared every thing after a
prudent manner, and by suggesting good advice, showed himself far superior to
the rest, and made obliging speeches to them, insomuch that he even compelled
them all to go on, who otherwise had not courage enough for that purpose; and
when opportunity served to use his sword in hand, he appeared first of all ready
so to do, and gave the first blow in this virtuous slaughter; he also brought
Caius easily into the power of the rest, and almost killed him himself, insomuch
that it is but just to ascribe all that the rest did to the advice, and bravery,
and labors of the hands of Cherea.
15. Thus did Caius come to his end, and
lay dead, by the many wounds which had been given him. Now Cherea and his associates,
upon Caius's slaughter, saw that it was impossible for them to save themselves,
if they should all go the same way, partly on account of the astonishment they
were under; for it was no small danger they had incurred by killing an emperor,
who was honored and loved by the madness of the people, especially when the
soldiers were likely to make a bloody inquiry after his murderers. The passages
also were narrow wherein the work was done, which were also crowded with a great
multitude of Caius's attendants, and of such of the soldiers as were of the
emperor's guard that day; whence it was that they went by other ways, and came
to the house of Germanicus, the father of Caius, whom they had now killed (which
house adjoined to the palace; for while the edifice was one, it was built in
its several parts by those particular persons who had been emperors, and those
parts bare the names of those that built them or the name of him who had begun
to build its parts). So they got away from the insults of the multitude, and
then were for the present out of danger, that is, so long as the misfortune
which had overtaken the emperor was not known. The Germans were the first who
perceived that Caius was slain. These Germans were Caius's guard, and carried
the name of the country whence they were chosen, and composed the Celtic legion.
The men of that country are naturally passionate, which is commonly the temper
of some other of the barbarous nations also, as being not used to consider much
about what they do; they are of robust bodies and fall upon their enemies as
soon as ever they are attacked by them; and which way soever they go, they perform
great exploits. When, therefore, these German guards understood that Caius was
slain, they were very sorry for it, because they did not use their reason in
judging about public affairs, but measured all by the advantages themselves
received, Caius being beloved by them because of the money he gave them, by
which he had purchased their kindness to him; so they drew their swords, and
Sabinus led them on. He was one of the tribunes, not by the means of the virtuous
actions of his progenitors, for he bad been a gladiator, but he had obtained
that post in the army by his having a robust body. So these Germans marched
along the houses in quest of Caesar's murderers, and cut Asprenas to pieces,
because he was the first man they fell upon, and whose garment it was that the
blood of the sacrifices stained, as I have said already, and which foretold
that this his meeting the soldiers would not be for his good. Then did Norbanus
meet them, who was one of the principal nobility of and could show many generals
of armies among his ancestors; but they paid no regard to his dignity; yet was
he of such great strength, that he wrested the sword of the first of those that
assaulted him out of his hands, and appeared plainly not to be willing to die
without a struggle for his life, until he was surrounded by a great number of
assailants, and died by the multitude of the wounds which they gave him. The
third man was Anteius, a senator, and a few others with him. He did not meet
with these Germans by chance, as the rest did before, but came to show his hatred
to Caius, and because he loved to see Caius lie dead with his own eyes, and
took a pleasure in that sight; for Caius had banished Anteius's father, who
was of the same name with himself, and being not satisfied with that, he sent
out his soldiers, and slew him; so he was come to rejoice at the sight of him,
now he was dead. But as the house was now all in a tumult, when he was aiming
to hide himself, he could not escape that accurate search which the Germans
made, while they barbarously slew those that were guilty, and those that were
not guilty, and this equally also. And thus were these [three] persons slain.
16. But when the rumor that Caius was slain
reached the theatre, they were astonished at it, and could not believe it; even
some that entertained his destruction with great pleasure, and were more desirous
of its happening than almost any other faction that could come to them, were
under such a fear, that they could not believe it. There were also those who
greatly distrusted it, because they were unwilling that any such thing should
come to Caius, nor could believe it, though it were ever so true, because they
thought no man could possibly so much power as to kill Caius. These were the
women, and the children, and the slaves, and some of the soldiery. This last
sort had taken his pay, and in a manner tyrannised with him, and had abused
the best of the citizens, in being subservient to his unjust commands, in order
to gain honors and advantages to themselves; but for the women and the youth,
they had been inveigled with shows, and the fighting of the gladiators, and
certain distributions of flesh-meat among them, which things them pretence were
designed for the pleasing of multitude, but in reality to satiate the barbarous
cruelty and madness of Caius. The slaves also were sorry, because they were
by Caius allowed to accuse and to despise their masters, and they could have
recourse to his assistance when they had unjustly affronted them; for he was
very easy in believing them against their masters, even when they the city,
accused them falsely; and if they would discover what money their masters had,
they might soon obtain both riches and liberty, as the rewards of their accusations,
because the reward of these informers was the eighth6
part of the criminal's substance. As to the nobles, although the report appeared
credible to some of them, either because they knew of the plot beforehand, or
because they wished it might be true; however, they concealed not only the joy
they had at the relation of it, but that they had heard any thing at all about
it. These last acted so out of the fear they had, that if the report proved
false, they should be punished, for having so soon let men know their minds.
But those that knew Caius was dead, because they were partners with the conspirators,
they concealed all still more cautiously, as not knowing one another's minds;
and fearing lest they should speak of it to some of those to whom the continuance
of tyranny was advantageous; and if Caius should prove to be alive, they might
be informed against, and punished. And another report went about, that although
Caius had been wounded indeed, yet was not he dead, but alive still, and under
the physician's hands. Nor was any one looked upon by another as faithful enough
to be trusted, and to whom any one would open his mind; for he was either a
friend to Caius, and therefore suspected to favor his tyranny, or he was one
that hated him, who therefore might be suspected to deserve the less credit,
because of his ill-will to him. Nay, it was said by some (and this indeed it
was that deprived the nobility of their hopes, and made them sad) that Caius
was in a condition to despise the dangers he had been in, and took no care of
healing his wounds, but was gotten away into the market-place, and, bloody as
he was, was making an harangue to the people. And these were the conjectural
reports of those that were so unreasonable as to endeavor to raise tumults,
which they turned different ways, according to the opinions of the bearers.
Yet did they not leave their seats, for fear of being accused, if they should
go out before the rest; for they should not be sentenced according to the real
intention with which they went out, but according to the supposals of the accusers
and of the judges.
17. But now a multitude of Germans had surrounded
the theatre with their swords drawn: all the spectators looked for nothing but
death, and at every one coming in a fear seized upon them, as if they were to
be cut in pieces immediately; and in great distress they were, as neither having
courage enough to go out of the theatre, nor believing themselves safe from
dangers if they tarried there. And when the Germans came upon them, the cry
was so great, that the theatre rang again with the entreaties of the spectators
to the soldiers, pleading that they were entirely ignorant of every thing that
related to such seditious contrivances, and that if there were any sedition
raised, they knew nothing of it; they therefore begged that they would spare
them, and not punish those that had not the least hand in such bold crimes as
belonged to other persons, while they neglected to search after such as had
really done whatsoever it be that hath been done. Thus did these people appeal
to God, and deplore their infelicity with shedding of tears, and beating their
faces, and said every thing that the most imminent danger and the utmost concern
for their lives could dictate to them. This brake the fury of the soldiers,
and made them repent of what they minded to do to the spectators, which would
have been the greatest instance of cruelty. And so it appeared to even these
savages, when they had once fixed the heads of those that were slain with Asprenas
upon the altar; at which sight the spectators were sorely afflicted, both upon
the consideration of the dignity of the persons, and out of a commiseration
of their sufferings; nay, indeed, they were almost in as great disorder at the
prospect of the danger themselves were in, seeing it was still uncertain whether
they should entirely escape the like calamity. Whence it was that such as thoroughly
and justly hated Caius could yet no way enjoy the pleasure of his death, because
they were themselves in jeopardy of perishing together with him; nor had they
hitherto any firm assurance of surviving.
18. There was at this time one Euaristus
Arruntius, a public crier in the market, and therefore of a strong and audible
voice, who vied in wealth with the richest of the Romans, and was able to do
what he pleased in the city, both then and afterward. This man put himself into
the most mournful habit he could, although he had a greater hatred against Caius
than any one else; his fear and his wise contrivance to gain his safety taught
him so to do, and prevailed over his present pleasure; so he put on such a mournful
dress as he would have done had he lost his dearest friends in the world; this
man came into the theatre, and informed them of the death of Caius, and by this
means put an end to that state of ignorance the men had been in. Arruntius also
went round about the pillars, and called out to the Germans, as did the tribunes
with him, bidding them put up their swords, and telling them that Caius was
dead. And this proclamation it was plainly which saved those that were collected
together in the theatre, and all the rest who any way met the Germans; for while
they had hopes that Caius had still any breath in him, they abstained from no
sort of mischief; and such an abundant kindness they still had for Caius, that
they would willingly have prevented the plot against him, and procured his escape
from so sad a misfortune, at the expense of their own lives. But they now left
off the warm zeal they had to punish his enemies, now they were fully satisfied
that Caius was dead, because it was now in vain for them to show their zeal
and kindness to him, when he who should reward them was perished. They were
also afraid that they should be punished by the senate, if they should go on
in doing such injuries; that is, in case the authority of the supreme governor
should revert to them. And thus at length a stop was put, though not without
difficulty, to that rage which possessed the Germans on account of Caius's death.
19. But Cherea was so much afraid for Minucianus,
lest he should light upon the Germans now they were in their fury, that he went
and spike to every one of the soldiers, and prayed them to take care of his
preservation, and made himself great inquiry about him, lest he should have
been slain. And for Clement, he let Minucianus go when he was brought to him,
and, with many other of the senators, affirmed the action was right, and commended
the virtue of those that contrived it, and had courage enough to execute it;
and said that "tyrants do indeed please themselves and look big for a while,
upon having the power to act unjustly; but do not however go happily out of
the world, because they are hated by the virtuous; and that Caius, together
with all his unhappiness, was become a conspirator against himself, before these
other men who attacked him did so; and by becoming intolerable, in setting aside
the wise provision the laws had made, taught his dearest friends to treat him
as an enemy; insomuch that although in common discourse these conspirators were
those that slew Caius, yet that, in reality, he lies now dead as perishing by
his own self."
20. Now by this time the people in the theatre
were arisen from their seats, and those that were within made a very great disturbance;
the cause of which was this, that the spectators were too hasty in getting away.
There was also one Alcyon, a physician, who hurried away, as if to cure those
that were wounded, and under that pretence he sent those that were with him
to fetch what things were necessary for the healing of those wounded persons,
but in reality to get them clear of the present dangers they were in. Now the
senate, during this interval, had met, and the people also assembled together
in the accustomed form, and were both employed in searching after the murderers
of Caius. The people did it very zealously, but the senate in appearance only;
for there was present Valerius of Asia, one that had been consul; this man went
to the people, as they were in disorder, and very uneasy that they could not
yet discover who they were that had murdered the emperor; he was then earnestly
asked by them all who it was that had done it. He replied, "I wish I had been
the man." The consuls7 also published an edict, wherein
they accused Caius, and gave order to the people then got together, and to the
soldiers, to go home; and gave the people hopes of the abatement of the oppressions
they lay under; and promised the soldiers, if they lay quiet as they used to
do, and would not go abroad to do mischief unjustly, that they would bestow
rewards upon them; for there was reason to fear lest the city might suffer harm
by their wild and ungovernable behavior, if they should once betake themselves
to spoil the citizens, or plunder the temples. And now the whole multitude of
the senators were assembled together, and especially those that had conspired
to take away the life of Caius, who put on at this time an air of great assurance,
and appeared with great magnanimity, as if the administration of the public
affairs were already devolved upon them.
CHAPTER
2
HOW THE SENATORS DETERMINED TO RESTORE THE DEMOCRACY; BUT THE SOLDIERS WERE
FOR PRESERVING THE MONARCHY. CONCERNING THE SLAUGHTER OF CAIUS'S WIFE AND DAUGHTER.
A CHARACTER OF CAIUS'S MORALS
1. When the public affairs were in this posture, Claudius was on the sudden
hurried away out of his house; for the soldiers had a meeting together; and
when they had debated about what was to be done, they saw that a democracy was
incapable of managing such a vast weight of public affairs; and that if it should
be set up, it would not be for their advantage; and in case any one of those
already in the government should obtain the supreme power, it would in all respects
be to their grief, if they were not assisting to him in this advancement; that
it would therefore be right for them, while the public affairs were unsettled,
to choose Claudius emperor, who was uncle to the deceased Caius, and of a superior
dignity and worth to every one of those that were assembled together in the
senate, both on account of the virtues of his ancestors, and of the learning
he had acquired in his education; and who, if once settled in the empire, would
reward them according to their deserts, and bestow largesses upon them. These
were their consultations, and they executed the same immediately. Claudius was
therefore seized upon suddenly by the soldiery. But Cneas Sentius Saturninus,
although he understood that Claudius was seized, and that he intended to claim
the government, unwillingly indeed in appearance, but in reality by his own
free consent, stood up in the senate, and, without being dismayed, made an exhortatory
oration to them, and such a one indeed as was fit for men of freedom and generosity,
and spake thus:—
2. "Although it be a thing incredible, O
Romans! because of the great length of time, that so unexpected an event hath
happened, yet are we now in possession of liberty. How long indeed this will
last is uncertain, and lies at the disposal of the gods, whose grant it is;
yet such it is as is sufficient to make us rejoice, and be happy for the present,
although we may soon be deprived of it; for one hour is sufficient to those
that are exercised in virtue, wherein we may live with a mind accountable only
to ourselves, in our own country, now free, and governed by such laws as this
country once flourished under. As for myself, I cannot remember our former time
of liberty, as being born after it was gone; but I am beyond measure filled
with joy at the thoughts of our present freedom. I also esteem those that were
born and bred up in that our former liberty happy men, and that those men are
worthy of no less esteem than the gods themselves who have given us a taste
of it in this age; and I heartily wish that this quiet enjoyment of it, which
we have at present, might continue to all ages. However, this single day may
suffice for our youth, as well as for us that are in years. It will seem an
age to our old men, if they might die during its happy duration: it may also
be for the instruction of the younger sort, what kind of virtue those men, from
whose loins we are derived, were exercised in. As for ourselves, our business
is, during the space of time, to live virtuously, than which nothing can be
more to our advantage; which course of virtue it is alone that can preserve
our liberty; for as to our ancient state, I have heard of it by the relations
of others; but as to our later state, during my lifetime, I have known it by
experience, and learned thereby what mischiefs tyrannies have brought upon this
commonwealth, discouraging all virtue, and depriving persons of magnanimity
of their liberty, and proving the teachers of flattery and slavish fear, because
it leaves the public administration not to be governed by wise laws, but by
the humor of those that govern. For since Julius Caesar took it into his head
to dissolve our democracy, and, by overbearing the regular system of our laws,
to bring disorders into our administration, and to get above right and justice,
and to be a slave to his own inclinations, there is no kind of misery but what
hath tended to the subversion of this city; while all those that have succeeded
him have striven one with another to overthrow the ancient laws of their country,
and have left it destitute of such citizens as were of generous principles,
because they thought it tended to their safety to have vicious men to converse
withal, and not only to break the spirits of those that were best esteemed for
their virtue, but to resolve upon their utter destruction. Of all which emperors,
who have been many in number, and who laid upon us insufferable hardships during
the times of their government, this Caius, who hath been slain today, hath brought
more terrible calamities upon us than did all the rest, not only by exercising
his ungoverned rage upon his fellow citizens, but also upon his kindred and
friends, and alike upon all others, and by inflicting still greater miseries
upon them, as punishments, which they never deserved, he being equally furious
against men and against the gods. For tyrants are not content to gain their
sweet pleasure, and this by acting injuriously, and in the vexation they bring
both upon men's estates and their wives; but they look upon that to be their
principal advantage, when they can utterly overthrow the entire families of
their enemies; while all lovers of liberty are the enemies of tyranny. Nor can
those that patiently endure what miseries they bring on them gain their friendship;
for as they are conscious of the abundant mischiefs they have brought on these
men, and how magnanimously they have borne their hard fortunes, they cannot
but be sensible what evils they have done, and thence only depend on security
from what they are suspicious of, if it may be in their power to take them quite
out of the world. Since, then, we are now gotten clear of such great misfortunes,
and are only accountable to one another, (which form of government affords us
the best assurance of our present concord, and promises us the best security
from evil designs, and will be most for our own glory in settling the city in
good order,) you ought, every one of you in particular, to make provision for
his own, and in general for the public utility: or, on the contrary, they may
declare their dissent to such things as have been proposed, and this without
any hazard of danger to come upon them, because they have now no lord set over
them, who, without fear of punishment, could do mischief to the city, and had
an uncontrollable power to take off those that freely declared their opinions.
Nor has any thing so much contributed to this increase of tyranny of late as
sloth, and a timorous forbearance of contradicting the emperor's will; while
men had an over-great inclination to the sweetness of peace, and had learned
to live like slaves; and as many of us as either heard of intolerable calamities
that happened at a distance from us, or saw the miseries that were near us,
out of the dread of dying virtuously, endured a death joined with the utmost
infamy. We ought, then, in the first place, to decree the greatest honors we
are able to those that have taken off the tyrant, especially to Cherea Cassius;
for this one man, with the assistance of the gods, hath, by his counsel and
by his actions, been the procurer of our liberty. Nor ought we to forget him
now we have recovered our liberty, who, under the foregoing tyranny, took counsel
beforehand, and beforehand hazarded himself for our liberties; but ought to
decree him proper honors, and thereby freely declare that he from the beginning
acted with our approbation. And certainly it is a very excellent thing, and
what becomes free-men, to requite their benefactors, as this man hath been a
benefactor to us all, though not at all like Cassius and Brutus, who slew Caius
Julius [Caesar]; for those men laid the foundations of sedition and civil wars
in our city; but this man, together with his slaughter of the tyrant, hath set
our city free from all those sad miseries which arose from the tyranny."8
3. And this was the purport of Sentius's
oration, which was received with pleasure by the senators, and by as many of
the equestrian order as were present. And now one Trebellius Maximus rose up
hastily, and took off Sentius's finger a ring, which had a stone, with the image
of Caius engraven upon it, and which, in his zeal in speaking, and his earnestness
in doing what he was about, as it was supposed, he had forgotten to take off
himself. This sculpture was broken immediately. But as it was now far in the
night, Cherea demanded of the consuls the watchword, who gave him this word,
liberty. These facts were the subjects of admiration to themselves, and almost
incredible; for it was a hundred years9 since the
democracy had been laid aside, when this giving the watchword returned to the
consuls; for before the city was subject to tyrants, they were the commanders
of the soldiers. But when Cherea had received that watchword, he delivered it
to those who were on the senate's side, which were four regiments, who esteemed
the government without emperors to be preferable to tyranny. So these went away
with their tribunes. The people also now departed very joyful, full of hope
and of courage, as having recovered their former democracy, and were no longer
under an emperor; and Cherea was in very great esteem with them.
4. And now Cherea was very uneasy that Caius's
daughter and wife were still alive, and that all his family did not perish with
him, since whosoever was left of them must be left for the ruin of the city
and of the laws. Moreover, in order to finish this matter with the utmost zeal,
and in order to satisfy his hatred of Caius, he sent Julius Lupus, one of the
tribunes, to kill Caius's wife and daughter. They proposed this office to Lupus
as to a kinsman of Clement, that he might be so far a partaker of this murder
of the tyrant, and might rejoice in the virtue of having assisted his fellow
citizens, and that he might appear to have been a partaker with those that were
first in their designs against him. Yet did this action appear to some of the
conspirators to be too cruel, as to this using such severity to a woman, because
Caius did more indulge his own ill-nature than use her advice in all that he
did; from which ill-nature it was that the city was in so desperate a condition
with the miseries that were brought on it, and the flower of the city was destroyed.
But others accused her of giving her consent to these things; nay, they ascribed
all that Caius had done to her as the cause of it, and said she had given a
potion to Caius, which had made him obnoxious to her, and had tied him down
to love her by such evil methods; insomuch that she, having rendered him distracted,
was become the author of all the mischiefs that had befallen the Romans, and
that habitable world which was subject to them. So that at length it was determined
that she must die; nor could those of the contrary opinion at all prevail to
have her saved; and Lupus was sent accordingly. Nor was there any delay made
in executing what he went about, but he was subservient to those that sent him
on the first opportunity, as desirous to be no way blameable in what might be
done for the advantage of the people. So when he was come into the palace, he
found Cesonia, who was Caius's wife, lying by her husband's dead body, which
also lay down on the ground, and destitute of all such things as the law allows
to the dead, and all over herself besmeared with the blood of her husband's
wounds, and bewailing the great affliction she was under, her daughter lying
by her also; and nothing else was heard in these her circumstances but her complaint
of Caius, as if he had not regarded what she had often told him of beforehand;
which words of hers were taken in a different sense even at that time, and are
now esteemed equally ambiguous by those that hear of them, and are still interpreted
according to the different inclinations of people. Now some said that the words
denoted that she had advised him to leave off his mad behavior and his barbarous
cruelty to the citizens, and to govern the public with moderation and virtue,
lest he should perish by the same way, upon their using him as he had used them.
But some said, that as certain words had passed concerning the conspirators,
she desired Caius to make no delay, but immediately to put them all to death,
and this whether they were guilty or not, and that thereby he would be out of
the fear of any danger; and that this was what she reproached him for, when
she advised him so to do, but he was too slow and tender in the matter. And
this was what Cesonia said, and what the opinions of men were about it. But
when she saw Lupus approach, she showed him Caius's dead body, and persuaded
him to come nearer, with lamentation and tears; and as she perceived that Lupus
was in disorder, and approached her in order to execute some design disagreeable
to himself, she was well aware for what purpose he came, and stretched out her
naked throat, and that very cheerfully to him, bewailing her case, like one
that utterly despaired of her life, and bidding him not to boggle at finishing
the tragedy they had resolved upon relating to her. So she boldly received her
death's wound at the hand of Lupus, as did the daughter after her. So Lupus
made haste to inform Cherea of what he had done.
5. This was the end of Caius, after he had
reigned four years, within four months. He was, even before he came to be emperor,
ill-natured, and one that had arrived at the utmost pitch of wickedness; a slave
to his pleasures, and a lover of calumny; greatly affected by every terrible
accident, and on that account of a very murderous disposition where he durst
show it. He enjoyed his exorbitant power to this only purpose, to injure those
who least deserved it, with unreasonable insolence and got his wealth by murder
and injustice. He labored to appear above regarding either what was divine or
agreeable to the laws, but was a slave to the commendations of the populace;
and whatsoever the laws determined to be shameful, and punished, that he esteemed
more honorable than what was virtuous. He was unmindful of his friends, how
intimate soever, and though they were persons of the highest character; and
if he was once angry at any of them, he would inflict punishment upon them on
the smallest occasions, and esteemed every man that endeavored to lead a virtuous
life his enemy. And whatsoever he commanded, he would not admit of any contradiction
to his inclinations; whence it was that he had criminal conversation with his
own sister;10 from which occasion chiefly it was also
that a bitter hatred first sprang up against him among the citizens, that sort
of incest not having been known of a long time; and so this provoked men to
distrust him, and to hate him that was guilty of it. And for any great or royal
work that he ever did, which might be for the present and for future ages, nobody
can name any such, but only the haven that he made about Rhegium and Sicily,
for the reception of the ships that brought corn from Egypt; which was indeed
a work without dispute very great in itself, and of very great advantage to
the navigation. Yet was not this work brought to perfection by him, but was
the one half of it left imperfect, by reason of his want of application to it;
the cause of which was this, that he employed his studies about useless matters,
and that by spending his money upon such pleasures as concerned no one's benefit
but his own, he could not exert his liberality in things that were undeniably
of great consequence. Otherwise he was an excellent orator, and thoroughly acquainted
with the Greek tongue, as well as with his own country or Roman language. He
was also able, off-hand and readily, to give answers to compositions made by
others, of considerable length and accuracy. He was also more skilful in persuading
others to very great things than any one else, and this from a natural affability
of temper, which had been improved by much exercise and pains-taking; for as
he was the grandson11 of the brother of Tiberius,
whose successor he was, this was a strong inducement to his acquiring of learning,
because Tiberius aspired after the highest pitch of that sort of reputation;
and Caius aspired after the like glory for eloquence, being induced thereto
by the letters of his kinsman and his emperor. He was also among the first rank
of his own citizens. But the advantages he received from his learning did not
countervail the mischief he brought upon himself in the exercise of his authority;
so difficult it is for those to obtain the virtue that is necessary for a wise
man, who have the absolute power to do what they please without control. At
the first he got himself such friends as were in all respects the most worthy,
and was greatly beloved by them, while he imitated their zealous application
to the learning and to the glorious actions of the best men; but when he became
insolent towards them, they laid aside the kindness they had for him, and began
to hate him; from which hatred came that plot which they raised against him,
and wherein he perished.
CHAPTER
3
HOW CLAUDIUS WAS SEIZED UPON, AND BROUGHT OUT OF HIS HOUSE, AND BROUGHT TO THE
CAMP; AND HOW THE SENATE SENT AN EMBASSAGE TO HIM
1. Now Claudius, as I said before, went out of that way along which Caius
was gone; and as the family was in a mighty disorder upon the sad accident of
the murder of Caius, he was in great distress how to save himself, and was found
to have hidden himself in a certain narrow place,12
though he had no other occasion for suspicion of any dangers, besides the dignity
of his birth; for while he was a private man, he behaved himself with moderation,
and was contented with his present fortune, applying himself to learning, and
especially to that of the Greeks, and keeping himself entirely clear from every
thing that might bring on any disturbance. But as at this time the multitude
were under a consternation, and the whole palace was full of the soldiers' madness,
and the very emperor's guards seemed under the like fear and disorder with private
persons, the band called pretorian, which was the purest part of the army, was
in consultation what was to be done at this juncture. Now all those that were
at this consultation had little regard to the punishment Caius had suffered,
because he justly deserved such his fortune; but they were rather considering
their own circumstances, how they might take the best care of themselves, especially
while the Germans were busy in punishing the murderers of Caius; which yet was
rather done to gratify their own savage temper, than for the good of the public;
all which things disturbed Claudius, who was afraid of his own safety, and this
particularly because he saw the heads of Asprenas and his partners carried about.
His station had been on a certain elevated place, whither a few steps led him,
and whither he had retired in the dark by himself. But when Gratus, who was
one of the soldiers that belonged to the palace, saw him, but did not well know
by his countenance who he was, because it was dark, though he could well judge
that it was a man who was privately there on some design, he came nearer to
him; and when Claudius desired that he would retire, be discovered who he was,
and owned him to be Claudius. So he said to his followers, "This is a Germanicus;13
come on, let us choose him for our emperor." But when Claudius saw they were
making preparations for taking him away by force, and was afraid they would
kill him, as they had killed Caius, he besought them to spare him, putting them
in mind how quietly he had demeaned himself, and that he was unacquainted with
what had been done. Hereupon Gratus smiled upon him, and took him by the right
hand, and said, "Leave off, sir, these low thoughts of saving yourself, while
you ought to have greater thoughts, even of obtaining the empire, which the
gods, out of their concern for the habitable world, by taking Caius out of the
way, commit to thy virtuous conduct. Go to, therefore, and accept of the throne
of thy ancestors." So they took him up and carried him, because he was not then
able to go on foot, such was his dread and his joy at what was told him.
2. Now there was already gathered together
about Gratus a great number of the guards; and when they saw Claudius carried
off, they looked with a sad countenance, as supposing that he was carried to
execution for the mischiefs that had been lately done; while yet they thought
him a man who never meddled with public affairs all his life long, and one that
had met with no contemptible dangers under the reign of Caius; and some of them
thought it reasonable that the consuls should take cognisance of these matters;
and as still more and more of the soldiery got together, the crowd about him
ran away, and Claudius could hardly go on, his body was then so weak; and those
who carried his sedan, upon an inquiry that was made about his being carried
off, ran away and saved themselves, as despairing of their Lord's preservation.
But when they were come into the large court of the palace, (which, as the report
goes about it, was inhabited first of all the parts of the city of Rome,) and
had just reached the public treasury, many more soldiers came about him, as
glad to see Claudius's face, and thought it exceeding right to make him emperor,
on account of their kindness for Germanicus, who was his brother, and had left
behind him a vast reputation among all that were acquainted with him. They reflected
also on the covetous temper of the leading men of the senate, and what great
errors they had been guilty of when the senate had the government formerly;
they also considered the impossibility of such an undertaking, as also what
dangers they should be in, if the government should come to a single person,
and that such a one should possess it as they had no hand in advancing, and
not to Claudius, who would take it as their grant, and as gained by their good-will
to him, and would remember the favors they had done him, and would make them
a sufficient recompense for the same.
3. These were the discourses the soldiers
had one with another by themselves, and they communicated them to all such as
came in to them. Now those that inquired about this matter willingly embraced
the invitation that was made them to join with the rest; so they carried Claudius
into the camp, crowding about him as his guard, and encompassing him about,
one chairman still succeeding another, that their vehement endeavors might not
be hindered. But as to the populace and senators, they disagreed in their opinions.
The latter were very desirous to recover their former dignity, and were zealous
to get clear of the slavery that had been brought on them by the injurious treatment
of the tyrants, which the present opportunity afforded them; but for the people,
who were envious against them, and knew that the emperors were capable of curbing
their covetous temper, and were a refuge from them, they were very glad that
Claudius had been seized upon, and brought to them, and thought that if Claudius
were made emperor, he would prevent a civil war, such as there was in the days
of Pompey. But when the senate knew that Claudius was brought into the camp
by the soldiers, they sent to him those of their body which had the best character
for their virtues, that they might inform him that he ought to do nothing by
violence, in order to gain the government; that he who was a single person,
one either already or hereafter to be a member of their body, ought to yield
to the senate, which consisted of so great a number; that he ought to let the
law take place in the disposal of all that related to the public order, and
to remember how greatly the former tyrants had afflicted their city, and what
dangers both he and they had escaped under Caius; and that he ought not to hate
the heavy burden of tyranny, when the injury is done by others, while he did
himself wilfully treat his country after a mad and insolent manner; that if
he would comply with them, and demonstrate that his firm resolution was to live
quietly and virtuously, he would have the greatest honors decreed to him that
a free people could bestow; and by subjecting himself to the law, would obtain
this branch of commendation, that he acted like a man of virtue, both as a ruler
and a subject; but that if he would act foolishly, and learn no wisdom by Caius's
death, they would not permit him to go on; that a great part of the army was
got together for them, with plenty of weapons, and a great number of slaves,
which they could make use of; that good hope was a great matter in such cases,
as was also good fortune; and that the gods would never assist any others but
those that undertook to act with virtue and goodness, who can be no other than
such as fight for the liberty of their country.
4. Now these ambassadors, Veranius and Brocchus,
who were both of them tribunes of the people, made this speech to Claudius;
and falling down upon their knees, they begged of him that he would not throw
the city into wars and misfortunes; but when they saw what a multitude of soldiers
encompassed and guarded Claudius, and that the forces that were with the consuls
were, in comparison of them, perfectly inconsiderable, they added, that if he
did desire the government, he should accept of it as given by the senate; that
he would prosper better, and be happier, if he came to it, not by the injustice,
but by the good-will of those that would bestow it upon him.
CHAPTER
4
WHAT THINGS KING AGRIPPA DID FOR CLAUDIUS; AND HOW CLAUDIUS, WHEN HE HAD TAKEN
THE GOVERNMENT, COMMANDED THE MURDERERS OF CAIUS TO BE SLAIN
1. Now Claudius, though he was sensible after what an insolent manner
the senate had sent to him yet did he, according to their advice, behave himself
for the present with moderation; but not so far that he could not recover himself
out of his fright; so he was encouraged [to claim the government] partly by
the boldness of the soldiers, and partly by the persuasion of king Agrippa,
who exhorted him not to let such a dominion slip out of his hands, when it came
thus to him of its own accord. Now this Agrippa, with relation to Caius, did
what became one that had been so much honored by him; for he embraced Caius's
body after he was dead, and laid it upon a bed, and covered it as well as he
could, and went out to the guards, and told them that Caius was still alive;
but he said that they should call for physicians, since he was very ill of his
wounds. But when he had learned that Claudius was carried away violently by
the soldiers, he rushed through the crowd to him, and when he found that he
was in disorder, and ready to resign up the government to the senate, he encouraged
him, and desired him to keep the government; but when he had said this to Claudius,
he retired home. And upon the senate's sending for him, he anointed his head
with ointment, as if he had lately accompanied with his wife, and had dismissed
her, and then came to them: he also asked of the senators what Claudius did;
who told him the present state of affairs, and then asked his opinion about
the settlement of the public. He told them in words that he was ready to lose
his life for the honor of the senate, but desired them to consider what was
for their advantage, without any regard to what was most agreeable to them;
for that those who grasp at government will stand in need of weapons and soldiers
to guard them, unless they will set up without any preparation for it, and so
fall into danger. And when the senate replied that they would bring in weapons
in abundance, and money, and that as to an army, a part of it was already collected
together for them, and they would raise a larger one by giving the slaves their
liberty,—Agrippa made answer, "O senators! may you be able to compass what you
have a mind to; yet will I immediately tell you my thoughts, because they tend
to your preservation. Take notice, then, that the army which will fight for
Claudius hath been long exercised in warlike affairs; but our army will be no
better than a rude multitude of raw men, and those such as have been unexpectedly
made free from slavery, and ungovernable; we must then fight against those that
are skilful in war, with men who know not so much as how to draw their swords.
So that my opinion is, that we should send some persons to Claudius, to persuade
him to lay down the government; and I am ready to be one of your ambassadors."
2. Upon this speech of Agrippa, the senate
complied with him, and he was sent among others, and privately informed Claudius
of the disorder the senate was in, and gave him instructions to answer them
in a somewhat commanding strain, and as one invested with dignity and authority.
Accordingly, Claudius said to the ambassadors, that he did not wonder the senate
had no mind to have an emperor over them, because they had been harassed by
the barbarity of those that had formerly been at the head of their affairs;
but that they should taste of an equitable government under him, and moderate
times, while he should only he their ruler in name, but the authority should
be equally common to them all; and since he had passed through many and various
scenes of life before their eyes, it would be good for them not to distrust
him. So the ambassadors, upon their hearing this his answer, were dismissed.
But Claudius discoursed with the army which was there gathered together, who
took oaths that they would persist in their fidelity to him; upon which he gave
the guards every man five thousand14 drachmae a-piece,
and a proportionable quantity to their captains, and promised to give the same
to the rest of the armies wheresoever they were.
3. And now the consuls called the senate
together into the temple of Jupiter the Conqueror, while it was still night;
but some of those senators concealed themselves in the city, being uncertain
what to do, upon the hearing of this summons; and some of them went out of the
city to their own farms, as foreseeing whither the public affairs were going,
and despairing of liberty; nay, these supposed it much better for them to be
slaves without danger to themselves, and to live a lazy and inactive life, than
by claiming the dignity of their forefathers, to run the hazard of their own
safety. However, a hundred and no more were gotten together; and as they were
in consultation about the present posture of affairs, a sudden clamor was made
by the soldiers that were on their side, desiring that the senate would choose
them an emperor, and not bring the government into ruin by setting up a multitude
of rulers. So they fully declared themselves to be for the giving the government
not to all, but to one; but they gave the senate leave to look out for a person
worthy to be set over them, insomuch that now the affairs of the senate were
much worse than before, because they had not only failed in the recovery of
their liberty, which they boasted themselves of, but were in dread of Claudius
also. Yet were there those that hankered after the government, both on account
of the dignity of their families and that accruing to them by their marriages;
for Marcus Minucianus was illustrious, both by his own nobility, and by his
having married Julia, the sister of Caius, who accordingly was very ready to
claim the government, although the consuls discouraged him, and made one delay
after another in proposing it: that Minucianus also, who was one of Caius's
murderers, restrained Valerius of Asia from thinking of such things; and a prodigious
slaughter there had been, if leave had been given to these men to set up for
themselves, and oppose Claudius. There were also a considerable number of gladiators
besides, and of those soldiers who kept watch by night in the city, and rowers
of ships, who all ran into the camp; insomuch that, of those who put in for
the government, some left off their pretensions in order to spare the city,
and others out of fear for their own persons.
4. But as soon as ever it was day, Cherea,
and those that were with him, came into the senate, and attempted to make speeches
to the soldiers. However, the multitude of those soldiers, when they saw that
they were making signals for silence with their hands, and were ready to begin
to speak to them, grew tumultuous, and would not let them speak at all, because
they were all zealous to be under a monarchy; and they demanded of the senate
one for their ruler, as not enduring any longer delays: but the senate hesitated
about either their own governing, or how they should themselves be governed,
while the soldiers would not admit them to govern, and the murderers of Caius
would not permit the soldiers to dictate to them. When they were in these circumstances,
Cherea was not able to contain the anger he had, and promised, that if they
desired an emperor, he would give them one, if any one would bring him the watchword
from Eutychus. Now this Eutychus was charioteer of the green-band faction, styled
Prasine, and a great friend of Caius, who used to harass the soldiery with building
stables for the horses, and spent his time in ignominious labors, which occasioned
Cherea to reproach them with him, and to abuse them with much other scurrilous
language; and told them he would bring them the head of Claudius; and that it
was an amazing thing, that, after their former madness, they should commit their
government to a fool. Yet were not they moved with his words, but drew their
swords, and took up their ensigns, and went to Claudius, to join in taking the
oath of fidelity to him. So the senate were left without any body to defend
them, and the very consuls differed nothing from private persons. They were
also under consternation and sorrow, men not knowing what would become of them,
because Claudius was very angry at them; so they fell a reproaching one another,
and repented of what they had done. At which juncture Sabinus, one of Caius's
murderers, threatened that he would sooner come into the midst of them and kill
himself, than consent to make Claudius emperor, and see slavery returning upon
them; he also abused Cherea for loving his life too well, while he who was the
first in his contempt of Caius, could think it a good thin to live, when, even
by all that they had done for the recovery of their liberty, they found it impossible
to do it. But Cherea said he had no manner of doubt upon him about killing himself;
that yet he would first sound the intentions of Claudius before he did it.
5. These were the debates [about the senate];
but in the camp every body was crowding on all sides to pay their court to Claudius;
and the other consul, Quintus Pomponius, was reproached by the soldiery, as
having rather exhorted the senate to recover their liberty; whereupon they drew
their swords, and were going to assault him, and they had done it, if Claudius
had not hindered them, who snatched the consul out of the danger he was in,
and set him by him. But he did not receive that part of the senate which was
with Quintus in the like honorable manner; nay, some of them received blows,
and were thrust away as they came to salute Claudius; nay, Aponius went away
wounded, and they were all in danger. However, king Agrippa went up to Claudius,
and desired he would treat the senators more gently; for if any mischief should
come to the senate, he would have no others over whom to rule. Claudius complied
with him, and called the senate together into the palace, and was carried thither
himself through the city, while the soldiery conducted him, though this was
to the great vexation of the multitude; for Cherea and Sabinus, two of Caius's
murderers, went in the fore-front of them, in an open manner, while Pollio,
whom Claudius, a little before, had made captain of his guards, had sent them
an epistolary edict, to forbid them to appear in public. Then did Claudius,
upon his coming to the palace, get his friends together, and desired their suffrages
about Cherea. They said that the work he had done was a glorious one; but they
accused him the he did it of perfidiousness, and thought it just to inflict
the punishment [of death] upon him, to discountenance such actions for the time
to come. So Cherea was led to his execution, and Lupus and many other Romans
with him. Now it is reported that Cherea bore this calamity courageously; and
this not only by the firmness of his own behavior under it, but by the reproaches
he laid upon Lupus, who fell into tears; for when Lupus laid his garment aside,
and complained of the cold,15 he said, that cold was
never hurtful to Lupus [i.e. a wolf] And as a great many men went along with
them to see the sight, when Cherea came to the place, he asked the soldier who
was to be their executioner, whether this office was what he was used to, or
whether this was the first time of his using his sword in that manner, and desired
him to bring him that very sword with which he himself slew Caius. So he was
happily killed at one stroke. But Lupus did not meet with such good fortune
in going out of the world, since he was timorous, and had many blows leveled
at his neck, because he did not stretch it out boldly [as he ought to have done].
6. Now, a few days after this, as the Parental
Solemnities were just at hand, the Roman multitude made their usual oblations
to their several ghosts, and put portions into the fire in honor of Cherea,
and besought him to be merciful to them, and not continue his anger against
them for their ingratitude. And this was the end of the life that Cherea came
to. But for Sabinus, although Claudius not only set him at liberty, but gave
him leave to retain his former command in the army, yet did he think it would
be unjust in him to fail of performing his obligations to his fellow confederates;
so he fell upon his sword, and killed himself, the wound reaching up to the
very hilt of the sword.16
CHAPTER
5
HOW CLAUDIUS RESTORED TO AGRIPPA HIS GRANDFATHER'S KINGDOMS, AND AUGMENTED HIS
DOMINIONS; AND HOW HE PUBLISHED AN EDICT IN BEHALF OF THE JEWS
1. Now when Claudius had taken out of the way all those soldiers whom
he suspected, which he did immediately, he published an edict, and therein confirmed
that kingdom to Agrippa which Caius had given him, and therein commended the
king highly. He also made all addition to it of all that country over which
Herod, who was his grandfather, had reigned, that is, Judea and Samaria; and
this he restored to him as due to his family. But for Abila17
of Lysanias, and all that lay at Mount Libanus, he bestowed them upon him, as
out of his own territories. He also made a league with this Agrippa, confirmed
by oaths, in the middle of the forum, in the city of Rome: he also took away
from Antiochus that kingdom which he was possessed of, but gave him a certain
part of Cilicia and Commagena: he also set Alexander Lysimachus, the alabarch,
at liberty, who had been his old friend, and steward to his mother Antonia,
but had been imprisoned by Caius, whose son [Marcus] married Bernice, the daughter
of Agrippa. But when Marcus, Alexander's son, was dead, who had married her
when she was a virgin, Agrippa gave her in marriage to his brother Herod, and
begged for him of Claudius the kingdom of Chalcis.
2. Now about this time there was a sedition
between the Jews and the Greeks, at the city of Alexandria; for when Caius was
dead, the nation of the Jews, which had been very much mortified under the reign
of Caius, and reduced to very great distress by the people of Alexandria, recovered
itself, and immediately took up their arms to fight for themselves. So Claudius
sent an order to the president of Egypt to quiet that tumult; he also sent an
edict, at the requests of king Agrippa and king Herod, both to Alexandria and
to Syria, whose contents were as follows: "Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus
Germanicus, high priest, and tribune of the people, ordains thus: since I am
assured that the Jews of Alexandria, called Alexandrians, have been joint inhabitants
in the earliest times with the Alexandrians, and have obtained from their kings
equal privileges with them, as is evident by the public records that are in
their possession, and the edicts themselves; and that after Alexandria had been
subjected to our empire by Augustus, their rights and privileges have been preserved
by those presidents who have at divers times been sent thither; and that no
dispute had been raised about those rights and privileges, even when Aquila
was governor of Alexandria; and that when the Jewish ethnarch was dead, Augustus
did not prohibit the making such ethnarchs, as willing that all men should be
so subject [to the Romans] as to continue in the observation of their own customs,
and not be forced to transgress the ancient rules of their own country religion;
but that, in the time of Caius, the Alexandrians became insolent towards the
Jews that were among them, which Caius, out of his great madness and want of
understanding, reduced the nation of the Jews very low, because they would not
transgress the religious worship of their country, and call him a god: I will
therefore that the nation of the Jews be not deprived of their rights and privileges,
on account of the madness of Caius; but that those rights and privileges which
they formerly enjoyed be preserved to them, and that they may continue in their
own customs. And I charge both parties to take very great care that no troubles
may arise after the promulgation of this edict."
3. And such were the contents of this edict
on behalf of the Jews that was sent to Alexandria. But the edict that was sent
into the other parts of the habitable earth was this which follows: "Tiberius
Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, high priest, tribune of the people, chosen
consul the second time, ordains thus: upon the petition of king Agrippa and
king Herod, who are persons very dear to me, that I would grant the same rights
and privileges should be preserved to the Jews which are in all the Roman empire,
which I have granted to those of Alexandria, I very willingly comply therewith;
and this grant I make not only for the sake of the petitioners, but as judging
those Jews for whom I have been petitioned worthy of such a favor, on account
of their fidelity and friendship to the Romans. I think it also very just that
no Grecian city should be deprived of such rights and privileges, since they
were preserved to them under the great Augustus. It will therefore be fit to
permit the Jews, who are in all the world under us, to keep their ancient customs
without being hindered so to do. And I do charge them also to use this my kindness
to them with moderation, and not to show a contempt of the superstitious observances
of other nations, but to keep their own laws only. And I will that this decree
of mine be engraven on tables by the magistrates of the cities, and colonies,
and municipal places, both those within Italy and those without it, both kings
and governors, by the means of the ambassadors, and to have them exposed to
the public for full thirty days, in such a place whence it may plainly be read
from the ground."18
CHAPTER
6
WHAT THINGS WERE DONE BY AGRIPPA AT JERUSALEM WHEN HE WAS RETURNED BACK INTO
JUDEA; AND WHAT IT WAS THAT PETRONIUS WROTE TO THE INHABITANTS OF DORIS, IN
BEHALF OF THE JEWS
1. Now Claudius Caesar, by these decrees of his which were sent to Alexandria,
and to all the habitable earth, made known what opinion he had of the Jews.
So he soon sent Agrippa away to take his kingdom, now he was advanced to a more
illustrious dignity than before, and sent letters to the presidents and procurators
of the provinces that they should treat him very kindly. Accordingly, he returned
in haste, as was likely he would, now lie returned in much greater prosperity
than he had before. He also came to Jerusalem, and offered all the sacrifices
that belonged to him, and omitted nothing which the law required;19
on which account he ordained that many of the Nazarites should have their heads
shorn. And for the golden chain which had been given him by Caius, of equal
weight with that iron chain wherewith his royal hands had been bound, he hung
it up within the limits of the temple, over the treasury,20
that it might be a memorial of the severe fate he had lain under, and a testimony
of his change for the better; that it might be a demonstration how the greatest
prosperity may have a fall, and that God sometimes raises up what is fallen
down: for this chain thus dedicated afforded a document to all men, that king
Agrippa had been once bound in a chain for a small cause, but recovered his
former dignity again; and a little while afterward got out of his bonds, and
was advanced to be a more illustrious king than he was before. Whence men may
understand that all that partake of human nature, how great soever they are,
may fall; and that those that fall may gain their former illustrious dignity
again.
2. And when Agrippa had entirely finished
all the duties of the Divine worship, he removed Theophilus, the son of Ananus,
from the high priesthood, and bestowed that honor of his on Simon the son of
Boethus, whose name was also Cantheras whose daughter king Herod married, as
I have related above. Simon, therefore, had the [high] priesthood with his brethren,
and with his father, in like manner as the sons of Simon, the son of Onias,
who were three, had it formerly under the government of the Macedonians, as
we have related in a former book.
3. When the king had settled the high priesthood
after this manner, he returned the kindness which the inhabitants of Jerusalem
had showed him; for he released them from the tax upon houses, every one of
which paid it before, thinking it a good thing to requite the tender affection
of those that loved him. He also made Silas the general of his forces, as a
man who had partaken with him in many of his troubles. But after a very little
while the young men of Doris, preferring a rash attempt before piety, and being
naturally bold and insolent, carried a statue of Caesar into a synagogue of
the Jews, and erected it there. This procedure of theirs greatly provoked Agrippa;
for it plainly tended to the dissolution of the laws of his country. So he came
without delay to Publius Petronius, who was then president of Syria, and accused
the people of Doris. Nor did he less resent what was done than did Agrippa;
for he judged it a piece of impiety to transgress the laws that regulate the
actions of men. So he wrote the following letter to the people of Doris in an
angry strain: "Publius Petronius, the president under Tiberius Claudius Caesar
Augustus Germanicus, to the magistrates of Doris, ordains as follows: since
some of you have had the boldness, or madness rather, after the edict of Claudius
Caesar Augustus Germanicus was published, for permitting the Jews to observe
the laws of their country, not to obey the same, but have acted in entire opposition
thereto, as forbidding the Jews to assemble together in the synagogue, by removing
Caesar's statue, and setting it up therein, and thereby have offended not only
the Jews, but the emperor himself, whose statue is more commodiously placed
in his own temple than in a foreign one, where is the place of assembling together;
while it is but a part of natural justice, that every one should have the power
over the place belonging peculiarly to themselves, according to the determination
of Caesar,—to say nothing of my own determination, which it would be ridiculous
to mention after the emperor's edict, which gives the Jews leave to make use
of their own customs, as also gives order that they enjoy equally the rights
of citizens with the Greeks themselves,—I therefore ordain that Proculus Vitellius,
the centurion, bring those men to me, who, contrary to Augustus's edict, have
been so insolent as to do this thing, at which those very men, who appear to
be of principal reputation among them, have an indignation also, and allege
for themselves, that it was not done with their consent, but by the violence
of the multitude, that they may give an account of what hath been done. I also
exhort the principal magistrates among them, unless they have a mind to have
this action esteemed to be done with their consent, to inform the centurion
of those that were guilty of it, and take care that no handle be hence taken
for raising a sedition or quarrel among them; which those seem to me to treat
after who encourage such doings; while both I myself, and king Agrippa, for
whom I have the highest honor, have nothing more under our care, than that the
nation of the Jews may have no occasion given them of getting together, under
the pretence of avenging themselves, and become tumultuous. And that it may
be more publicly known what Augustus hath resolved about this whole matter,
I have subjoined those edicts which he hath lately caused to be published at
Alexandria, and which, although they may be well known to all, yet did king
Agrippa, for whom I have the highest honor, read them at that time before my
tribunal, and pleaded that the Jews ought not to be deprived of those rights
which Augustus hath granted them. I therefore charge you, that you do not, for
the time to come, seek for any occasion of sedition or disturbance, but that
every one be allowed to follow their own religious customs."
4. Thus did Petronius take care of this
matter, that such a breach of the law might be corrected, and that no such thing
might be attempted afterwards against the Jews. And now king Agrippa took the
[high] priesthood away from Simon Cantheras, and put Jonathan, the son of Ananus,
into it again, and owned that he was more worthy of that dignity than the other.
But this was not a thing acceptable to him, to recover that his former dignity.
So he refused it, and said, "O king! I rejoice in the honor that thou hast for
me, and take it kindly that thou wouldst give me such a dignity of thy own inclinations,
although God hath judged that I am not at all worthy of the high priesthood.
I am satisfied with having once put on the sacred garments; for I then put them
on after a more holy manner than I should now receive them again. But if thou
desirest that a person more worthy than myself should have this honorable employment,
give me leave to name thee such a one. I have a brother that is pure from all
sin against God, and of all offenses against thyself; I recommend him to thee,
as one that is fit for this dignity." So the king was pleased with these words
of his, and passed by Jonathan, and, according to his brother's desire, bestowed
the high priesthood upon Matthias. Nor was it long before Marcus succeeded Petronius,
as president of Syria.
CHAPTER
7
CONCERNING SILAS,—AND ON WHAT ACCOUNT IT WAS THAT KING AGRIPPA WAS ANGRY AT
HIM. HOW AGRIPPA BEGAN TO ENCOMPASS JERUSALEM WITH A WALL; AND WHAT BENEFITS
HE BESTOWED ON THE INHABITANTS OF BERYTUS
1. Now Silas, the general of the king's horse, because he had been faithful
to him under all his misfortunes, and had never refused to be a partaker with
him in any of his dangers, but had oftentimes undergone the most hazardous dangers
for him, was full of assurance, and thought he might expect a sort of equality
with the king, on account of the firmness of the friendship he had showed to
him. Accordingly, he would no where let the king sit as his superior, and took
the like liberty in speaking to him upon all occasions, till he became troublesome
to the king, when they were merry together, extolling himself beyond measure,
and oft putting the king in mind of the severity of fortune he had undergone,
that he might, by way of ostentation, demonstrate what zeal he had showed in
his service; and was continually harping upon this string, what pains he had
taken for him, and much enlarged still upon that subject. The repetition of
this so frequently seemed to reproach the king, insomuch that he took this ungovernable
liberty of talking very ill at his hands. For the commemoration of times when
men have been under ignominy, is by no means agreeable to them; and he is a
very silly man who is perpetually relating to a person what kindness he had
done him. At last, therefore, Silas had so thoroughly provoked the king's indignation,
that he acted rather out of passion than good consideration, and did not only
turn Silas out of his place, as general of his horse, but sent him in bonds
into his own country. But the edge of his anger wore off by length of time,
and made room for more just reasonings as to his judgment about this man; and
he considered how many labors he had undergone for his sake. So when Agrippa
was solemnising his birth-day, and he gave festival entertainments to all his
subjects, he sent for Silas on the sudden to be his guest. But as he was a very
frank man, he thought he had now a just handle given him to be angry; which
he could not conceal from those that came for him, but said to them, "What honor
is this the king invites me to, which I conclude will soon be over? For the
king hath not let me keep those original marks of the good-will I bore him,
which I once had from him; but he hath plundered me, and that unjustly also.
Does he think that I can leave off that liberty of speech, which, upon the consciousness
of my deserts, I shall use more loudly than before, and shall relate how many
misfortunes I have been delivered from; how many labors I have undergone for
him, whereby I procured him deliverance and respect; as a reward for which I
have borne the hardships of bonds and a dark prison? I shall never forget this
usage. Nay, perhaps, my very soul, when it is departed out of the body, will
not forget the glorious actions I did on his account." This was the clamor he
made, and he ordered the messengers to tell it to the king. So he perceived
that Silas was incurable in his folly, and still suffered him to lie in prison.
2. As for the walls of Jerusalem, that were
adjoining to the new city [Bezetha], he repaired them at the expense of the
public, and built them wider in breadth, and higher in altitude; and he had
made them too strong for all human power to demolish, unless Marcus, the then
president of Syria, had by letter informed Claudius Caesar of what he was doing.
And when Claudius had some suspicion of attempts for innovation, he sent to
Agrippa to leave off the building of those walls presently. So he obeyed, as
not thinking it proper to contradict Claudius.
3. Now this king was by nature very beneficent
and liberal in his gifts, and very ambitious to oblige people with such large
donations; and he made himself very illustrious by the many chargeable presents
he made them. He took delight in giving, and rejoiced in living with good reputation.
He was not at all like that Herod who reigned before him; for that Herod was
ill-natured, and severe in his punishments, and had no mercy on them that he
hated; and every one perceived that he was more friendly to the Greeks than
to the Jews; for he adorned foreign cities with large presents in money; with
building them baths and theatres besides; nay, in some of those places he erected
temples, and porticoes in others; but he did not vouchsafe to raise one of the
least edifices in any Jewish city, or make them any donation that was worth
mentioning. But Agrippa's temper was mild, and equally liberal to all men. He
was humane to foreigners, and made them sensible of his liberality. He was in
like manner rather of a gentle and compassionate temper. Accordingly, he loved
to live continually at Jerusalem, and was exactly careful in the observance
of the laws of his country. He therefore kept himself entirely pure; nor did
any day pass over his head without its appointed sacrifice.
4. However, there was a certain mall of
the Jewish nation at Jerusalem, who appeared to be very accurate in the knowledge
of the law. His name was Simon. This man got together an assembly, while the
king was absent at Cesarea, and had the insolence to accuse him as not living
holily, and that he might justly be excluded out of the temple, since it belonged
only to native Jews. But the general of Agrippa's army informed him that Simon
had made such a speech to the people. So the king sent for him; and as he was
sitting in the theatre, he bid him sit down by him, and said to him with a low
and gentle voice, "What is there done in this place that is contrary to the
law?" But he had nothing to say for himself, but begged his pardon. So the king
was more easily reconciled to him than one could have imagined, as esteeming
mildness a better quality in a king than anger, and knowing that moderation
is more becoming in great men than passion. So he made Simon a small present,
and dismissed him.
5. Now as Agrippa was a great builder in
many places, he paid a peculiar regard to the people of Berytus; for he erected
a theatre for them, superior to many others of that sort, both in sumptuousness
and elegance, as also an amphitheatre, built at vast expenses; and besides these,
he built them baths and porticoes, and spared for no costs in any of his edifices,
to render them both handsome and large. He also spent a great deal upon their
dedication, and exhibited shows upon them, and brought thither musicians of
all sorts, and such as made the most delightful music of the greatest variety.
He also showed his magnificence upon the theatre, in his great number of gladiators;
and there it was that he exhibited the several antagonists, in order to please
the spectators; no fewer indeed than seven hundred men to fight with seven hundred
other men;21 and allotted all the malefactors he had
for this exercise, that both the malefactors might receive their punishment,
and that this operation of war might be a recreation in peace. And thus were
these criminals all destroyed at once.
CHAPTER
8
WHAT OTHER ACTS WERE DONE BY AGRIPPA UNTIL HIS DEATH; AND AFTER WHAT MANNER
HE DIED
1. When Agrippa had finished what I have above related at Berytus, he
removed to Tiberias, a city of Galilee. Now he was in great esteem among other
kings. Accordingly there came to him Antiochus, king of Commagena, Sampsigeramus,
king of Emesa, and Cotys, who was king of the lesser Armenia, and Polemo, who
was king of Pontus, as also Herod his brother, who was king of Chalcis. All
these he treated with agreeable entertainments, and after an obliging manner,
and so as to exhibit the greatness of his mind, and so as to appear worthy of
those respects which the kings paid to him, by coming thus to see him. However,
while these kings staid with him, Marcus, the president of Syria, came thither.
So the king, in order to preserve the respect that was due to the Romans, went
out of the city to meet him, as far as seven furlongs. But this proved to be
the beginning of a difference between him and Marcus; for he took with him in
his chariot those other kings as his assessors. But Marcus had a suspicion what
the meaning could be of so great a friendship of these kings one with another,
and did not think so close an agreement of so many potentates to be for the
interest of the Romans. He therefore sent some of his domestics to every one
of them, and enjoined them to go their ways home without further delay. This
was very ill taken by Agrippa, who after that became his enemy. And now he took
the high priesthood away from Matthias, and made Elioneus, the son of Cantheras,
high priest in his stead.
2. Now when Agrippa had reigned three years
over all Judea, he came to the city Cesarea, which was formerly called Strato's
Tower; and there he exhibited shows in honor of Caesar, upon his being informed
that there was a certain festival celebrated to make vows for his safety. At
which festival a great multitude was gotten together of the principal persons,
and such as were of dignity through his province. On the second day of which
shows he put on a garment made wholly of silver, and of a contexture truly wonderful,
and came into the theatre early in the morning; at which time the silver of
his garment being illuminated by the fresh reflection of the sun's rays upon
it, shone out after a surprising manner, and was so resplendent as to spread
a horror over those that looked intently upon him; and presently his flatterers
cried out, one from one place, and another from another, (though not for his
good,) that he was a god; and they added, "Be thou merciful to us; for although
we have hitherto reverenced thee only as a man, yet shall we henceforth own
thee as superior to mortal nature." Upon this the king did neither rebuke them,
nor reject their impious flattery. But as he presently afterward looked up,
he saw an owl22 sitting on a certain rope over his
head, and immediately understood that this bird was the messenger of ill tidings,
as it had once been the messenger of good tidings to him; and fell into the
deepest sorrow. A severe pain also arose in his belly, and began in a most violent
manner. He therefore looked upon his friends, and said, "I, whom you call a
god, am commanded presently to depart this life; while Providence thus reproves
the lying words you just now said to me; and I, who was by you called immortal,
am immediately to be hurried away by death. But I am bound to accept of what
Providence allots, as it pleases God; for we have by no means lived ill, but
in a splendid and happy manner." When he said this, his pain was become violent.
Accordingly he was carried into the palace, and the rumor went abroad every
where, that he would certainly die in a little time. But the multitude presently
sat in sackcloth, with their wives and children, after the law of their country,
and besought God for the king's recovery. All places were also full of mourning
and lamentation. Now the king rested in a high chamber, and as he saw them below
lying prostrate on the ground, he could not himself forbear weeping. And when
he had been quite worn out by the pain in his belly for five days, he departed
this life, being in the fifty-fourth year of his age, and in the seventh year
of his reign; for he reigned four years under Caius Caesar, three of them were
over Philip's tetrarchy only, and on the fourth he had that of Herod added to
it; and he reigned, besides those, three years under the reign of Claudius Caesar;
in which time he reigned over the forementioned countries, and also had Judea
added to them, as well as Samaria and Cesarea. The revenues that he received
out of them were very great, no less than twelve millions of drachmae.23
Yet did he borrow great sums from others; for he was so very liberal that his
expenses exceeded his incomes, and his generosity was boundless.24
3. But before the multitude were made acquainted
with Agrippa's being expired, Herod the king of Chalcis, and Helcias the master
of his horse, and the king's friend, sent Aristo, one of the king's most faithful
servants, and slew Silas, who had been their enemy, as if it had been done by
the king's own command.
CHAPTER
9
WHAT THINGS WERE DONE AFTER THE DEATH OF AGRIPPA; AND HOW CLAUDIUS, ON ACCOUNT
OF THE YOUTH AND UNSKILFULNESS OF AGRIPPA, JUNIOR, SENT CUSPIUS FADUS TO BE
PROCURATOR OF JUDEA, AND OF THE ENTIRE KINGDOM
1. And thus did king Agrippa depart this life. But he left behind him
a son, Agrippa by name, a youth in the seventeenth year of his age, and three
daughters; one of which, Bernice, was married to Herod, his father's brother,
and was sixteen years old; the other two, Mariamne and Drusilla, were still
virgins; the former was ten years old, and Drusilla six. Now these his daughters
were thus espoused by their father; Mariamne to Julius Archelaus Epiphanes,
the son of Antiochus, the son of Chelcias; and Drusilla to the king of Commagena.
But when it was known that Agrippa was departed this life, the inhabitants of
Cesarea and of Sebaste forgot the kindnesses he had bestowed on them, and acted
the part of the bitterest enemies; for they cast such reproaches upon the deceased
as are not fit to be spoken of; and so many of them as were then soldiers, which
were a great number, went to his house, and hastily carried off the statues25
of this king's daughters, and all at once carried them into the brothel-houses,
and when they had set them on the tops of those houses, they abused them to
the utmost of their power, and did such things to them as are too indecent to
be related. They also laid themselves down in public places, and celebrated
general feastings, with garlands on their heads, and with ointments and libations
to Charon, and drinking to one another for joy that the king was expired. Nay,
they were not only unmindful of Agrippa, who had extended his liberality to
them in abundance, but of his grandfather Herod also, who had himself rebuilt
their cities, and had raised them havens and temples at vast expenses.
2. Now Agrippa, the son of the deceased,
was at Rome, and brought up with Claudius Caesar. And when Caesar was informed
that Agrippa was dead, and that the inhabitants of Sebaste and Cesarea had abused
him, he was sorry for the first news, and was displeased with the ingratitude
of those cities. He was therefore disposed to send Agrippa, junior, away presently
to succeed his father in the kingdom, and was willing to confirm him in it by
his oath. But those freed-men and friends of his, who had the greatest authority
with him, dissuaded him from it, and said that it was a dangerous experiment
to permit so large a kingdom to come under the government of so very young a
man, and one hardly yet arrived at years of discretion, who would not be able
to take sufficient care of its administration; while the weight of a kingdom
is heavy enough to a grown man. So Caesar thought what they said to be reasonable.
Accordingly he sent Cuspius Fadus to be procurator of Judea, and of the entire
kingdom, and paid that respect to the deceased as not to introduce Marcus, who
had been at variance with him, into his kingdom. But he determined, in the first
place, to send orders to Fadus, that he should chastise the inhabitants of Cesarea
and Sebaste for those abuses they h